Annotated Bibliography
A. Ishibashi, H. Kosoto, S. Ohno, et al. Introduction to Kampo, Japanese Traditional Medicine, The Japan Society for Oriental Medicine (Elsevier: Tokyo, Japan, 2005), 2-13.
The Japan Society for Oriental Medicine gives a detailed introduction to the traditional medicine of Japan, Kampo. This book seeks to provide a general understanding of Kampo by providing brief historical background, a general comparison of the principles of Kampo to westernized modern medicine, theories of Kampo, and presents the clinical setting and applications of Kampo. Kampo is first introduced as being derived from Chinese medicine. The book describes clinical and medicinal herb as dependent on the theory of yin-yang and the five elements originating from Chinese medicine. Diagnosis and treatment is termed as “formulation corresponding to sho” and examines the body and the mind as one which are variables over time. Treatment and common disorders treated by Kampo are described as affected by ki (most often spelt as qi) which is universal energy found all over the world.
Dharmananda, Subhuti. "Kampo Medicine: The Practice of Chinese Herbal Medicine in Japan." Wikipedia. Accessed on May 09, 2011, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kampo.
Dharmananda introduces Kampo medicine as originally developing from Chinese medicine that gradually over history adapted to the Japanese culture. Kampo’s literal meaning is “Han Method” as herbal medicine was developed during the Han Dynasty. Dharmananda states it is believed that the first classes in Chinese medicine was given in 602 A.D. under order of Empress Suiko but was made popular by a Chinese Buddhist priest Jian Zhen who played an important part in introducing Chinese medicine to Japan in 753 A.D. From this many text on Chinese medicine with formulas was published, dominating until the end of the 15th century were texts by Zhang Zhongjing and Sun Simiao. During the 16th century the Goseiha School (School of Later Developments in Medicine) was developed. This school used new groups of herbs and examined the interrelationships within the body and the environment and depended on neo-Confuciansism. In contrast, the Kohoha School (School of Classical Formulas) was characterized by the old original values of Confucian tenets and its dependence on the confirmation theory. The Kohoha School eventually replaced the Goseiha school. During the 1590, Western medicine was introduced by the Portuguese and was soon favored by the Japanese government due to its disease prevention techniques. However, with the help of physicians such as the Onchi-sha Association, Kampo remained preserved and gradually was revived, despite efforts from the Meiji government to remove Kampo practices during the early 1900s. By 1985-1995, Kampo ‘s popularity rose and soon was being introduced more to America and Taiwan.
Gao, Pengfei, Matsuura, Keiko, Watanabe, Kenji et al., “Traditional Japanese Kampo Medicine: Clinical Research between Modernity and Traditional Medicine—The State of Research and Methodological Suggestions for the Future,” in Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine, vol. 2011, Article ID 513842 (Hindawi Publishing Co., 2011), 19. Accessed May 15, 2011, doi:10.1093/ecam/neq067.
This article seeks to introduce Kampo and find Kampo’s most recent information on clinical research. This study consisted of a review of a total of 135 different trials from a report by the Japanese Society of Oriental Medicine. Of these 135 of these trials, 106 were randomized controlled trials, 6 quasi-randomized controlled trials, and 10 crossover studies. From these clinical studies, the authors critique the methods of these trials and provide recommendations they believe should be required in evaluating the efficacy of Kampo. Emphasized is a research on Kampo’s efficacy should look into answering four main questions: who is the treatment attended for and the treatment; whether or not the treatment is safe; whether the treatment is more effective than the placebo; and if it is more effective than or as effective as standard treatments. However, this must take into account the process of diagnosis of Kampo especially when comparing it to western medicine, in which case the measurement of efficacy needs to be reevaluated due to the differences of diagnosis. The difference in diagnostic procedures of Kampo makes it especially hard to measure against other systems of medicine and needs to be taken into important consideration during clinical trials.
Gepshtein, Yana, Gregory A. Plotnikoff, and Kenji Watanabe. "Kampo in Women's Health: Japan's Traditional Approach to Premenstrual Symptoms" in Journal of Alternative & Complementary Medicine vol. 14, no. 4. (New Rochelle, NY: Mary Ann Liebert, Inc., 2008).
Hosoya, Eikichi, and Yūichi Yamamura. Recent Advances in the Pharmacology of Kampo (Japanese Herbal) Medicines (Amsterdam: Elsevier Science Oublishers B.V. 1988).
Editors Eikichi and Yuichi provide a book filled with the recent works and researches conducted on Kampo. These works are presented in order to demonstrate how this Japanese medicine has changed in the last 1000 years and has the ability to be evaluated upon scientifically. Presented in series of articles one after the other, each article assess the methods and treatment of Kampo by scientific experiment and systematic investigation. For instance, one article provided in the book titled, “Protective effects of Juzen-taiho-to (TJ-48) against adverse reactions associated with mitomycin C” by Masaki Aburada details an experiment done to determine the efficacy of Kampo prescriptions targeted to relieve the side effects of anticancer drugs. Steps of the clinical procedures and the results are outlined in the article and it was concluded that TJ-48 reduced the adverse effects of mitomycin C. Such articles provides support to the efficacy of Kampo.
Kasulis, Thomas. “Sushi, Science, and Spirituality: Modern Japanese Philosophy and its Views of Western Science,” Philosophy East & West 45, no. 2 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1995), 227-248.
This article provides an account for Japan’s adoption of Western science and technology and how these bodies of knowledge interact with traditional Japanese values and belief systems. First, Kasulis provides a marketplace model to understand why and how foreign ideas travel across national boundaries. In order for such an exchange to take place, he argues, the ideas and/or products must be “available to the foreign market,” have an appeal to the receiving culture, serve some purpose or need to its users, and be compatible with the desires and preferences of the consuming culture (228). Under this model, Western science and technology was able to infiltrate Japan because Europeans made them available through trade in the sixteenth century, the Japanese had interest in them, particularly in the departments of Western science, medicine, and military knowledge, and they served a practical need for the Japanese government. Over time, Western science and technology became increasingly dominant and influential, yet never quite replacing traditional Japanese spiritual beliefs. Kasulis shows how the Japanese were able to reconcile their understandings of the world with the adoption of Western science and technology, and how the two seemingly incompatible belief systems are able to coexist in Japanese society. He argues that traditional Japanese conceptions of truth and of the mind-body connection are far different than Western conceptions, and that they allow for the juxtaposition of science and spirituality. The Japanese conception of truth, according to Kasulis, is completely dependent on context and, as such, can only ever be partial, necessarily allowing for a plurality of truths to exist. The mind and body are not separate entities as in the Western world; they are of the same essence and have strong connections to the environment outside the body. Ultimately, this article offers insight into how the Japanese are able to legitimatize the simultaneous practice of Western and East Asian medicine.
Komiya, Akira, and Akihiko Watanabe, and Hideki Fuse. “Herbal medicine in Japan” in Journal of Men's Health, vol. 8 (Elsevier Ireland Ltd., 2011).
This article portrays how common kampo is used in Japanese medicine. At present, there are 148 kinds of kampo medicines that have been approved and are listed on the “National Health Insurance and Drug Tariff”. Furthermore, about 72% of Japanese physicians do prescribe some kampo alone to patients and or combined with contemporary western medicines. The types of medical problems mentioned in the article include: neurological disorders, digestive diseases, cardiovascular diseases, respiratory diseases, and kidney diseases. In general, this article focuses on men’s health issues such as erectile dysfunction, male infertility, and urinary tract symptoms. The article emphasizes the importance of Sho, which helps physicians to describe the condition of the patient’s disease. After the Sho is decided, prescription of kampo is given. In some cases such as suspicious late-onset hypogonadism (LOH), patients are referred to kampo because it has shown improved indefinite complaints or LOH symptoms. Further studies of men’s health suggests necessary action to elucidate the mechanisms of its efficacy including the relationships with cytokineses. This study mentions that there is an ongoing research about Sho and investigation of clinical effects of kampo treatment. There is a lack of randomized control groups which suggests why there is a need for further research for kampo. Overall, kampo treatment is appropriate to treat those who visit the men’s health clinic; however, there is an urgent need to establish evidence about kampo therapy using the same methods in developing Western medicines.
Lock, Margaret M. East Asian Medicine in Urban Japan (London: Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, Ltd., 1980).
In Chapter 3, Lock provides a description of the practices and theories behind East Asian Medicine along with some historical background information. She notes that the concepts of yin and yang, the Five Evolutive Phases, and Chi are all central to East Asian Medicine and gives examples of how East Asian Medical physicians use each theory to understand disease causation, diagnose a patient, and decide on a patient’s proper treatment. In each phase of the medical process, physicians evaluate their patients in search for an imbalance of Chi, the body’s internal energy flow. But, as Lock points out, doing so is a complicated process. In East Asian Medicine, human beings are microcosmic representations of the world at large. As such, every person is embedded in a web of connections to their environment, themselves, and one another. These connections make for a constant, dynamic exchange of Chi from the inner self to the outer world, the outer world to the inner self, and every variation between. So, discovering an imbalance in one’s Chi requires a lengthy, comprehensive medical checkup that even includes filling out a self-history questionnaire. Also, because each person is seen in connection to the universe at large, a diagnosis will often include information about planetary motions, time of year, and a list of other factors. Treatment then depends on the person’s diagnosis. For instance, a physician will use yang-focused therapy to treat a patient with a diagnosis of yang-deficiency, and yin-focused therapy for a patient with an abundance of yang.
Lock, Margaret M. East Asian Medicine in Urban Japan (London: Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, Ltd., 1980).
In this chapter, Lock draws connections between the socialization practices prevalent in Japan and beliefs and attitudes toward health and medicine. At an early age, the Japanese learn awareness of their bodies and are able to detect subtle bodily changes, whether physiological, physical, or psychological. If one senses such a change, they are taught to interpret it as an imbalance of ki, which is the body’s internal energy flow. In Japanese, the word “ki” takes several linguistic forms, many of which are common expressions. For example, a Japanese person may use the word “genki” to indicate “good health,” “ki no okii” to indicate generosity, and “ki ga shimazu” to express disappointment, to list a few (84-85). The everyday usage of the word “ki” for both physical and mental states in Japan helps the Japanese to internalize its meaning and to formulate connections between physical and mental states. In addition, Lock points to several bodies of knowledge which influence the Japanese attitudes toward health, ultimately creating an “acceptance of pluralistic ideas” in medical treatment (100). Shintoism, Western medicine, and East Asian Medicine are all relevant actors in this regard. Firstly, Shintoism socializes its members to make dualistic distinctions, such as good and bad, clean and dirty, and safe and dangerous. Those things which are bad, dirty, and dangerous are thought to pollute the mind and body. As such, Shintoism stresses one to avoid pollutants and to rid the body and mind of them if they come in contact. This system of beliefs operates at almost every level in Japan, including the norms of taking off one’s shoes in the house to not bring in dirt and in wearing face-masks in public to avoid giving or receiving something contagious. Lock argues that Western medicine compliments these ideas with its emphasis on targeting specific infections in the body and prescribing medicine to cure it. At the same time, however, early socialization practices that concern the balance of ki and attunement to the body fit in well with East Asian Medicine.
Lock, Margaret M. East Asian Medicine in Urban Japan (London: Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, Ltd., 1980).
In this chapter, Lock demonstrates the ways in which Japanese Kampo practitioners integrate Western-style methodology into East Asian medical therapy, and, in effect, challenge preconceived notions that label traditional and cosmopolitan medicine as mutually exclusive forms of treatment. Lock says that Kampo doctors appreciate Western explanations of disease causation which are rich in detail “at the cellular level” and particularly useful in understanding “bacterial infections” and “mechanical failures” of the body (131). But, at the same time, they also value traditional explanations that tie together several, less direct causal agents including social, environmental, and physiological factors, which are in a continuous state of flux. This dynamic net of causal agents reflects Buddhist ideals of the yin/yang theory, the relationship of the human body to the mind, and the mind and body to the universe at large. Health is in keeping this net in a state of balance, or, better said, dynamic equilibrium. Kampo physicians compare a properly functioning human body to the homeostatic system found in nature – both have a certain innate ability to maintain and restore balance in house. As a result, East Asian therapy looks for the lightest form of treatment possible, with hopes that its application will wake up the body’s internal regulating system and bring the body back into homeostasis. However, as Lock notes, most Japanese put much care into the upkeep of this system before there is any need for medical treatment. It is a popular belief that one can maintain balance through a healthy diet, exercise, and by “avoiding excesses” and consumption of unnatural material that may tip the body off kilter. In short, Japanese Kampo physicians find value in both Western and traditional health systems and “believe that both systems should be applied to all patients” (131).
Odaguchi, H., Wakasugi, A., Oikawa, T., & Hanawa, T. “The efficacy of the Kampo (Japanese herbal medicine) formulas on the cardiac autonomic balance” in Autonomic Neuroscience: Basic & Clinical, 135 (Published Online 2007), 1-76.
Kampo medicine is widely used in Japan. Kampo formulas suggest that it relieves symptoms in your body and help “modulate the autonomic balance.” According to this article, the results of a study on Kampo suggest that formulas of Kampo for cardiac treatment improve the patient’s health condition. Participants in this study were all male between the ages of fifteen and seventy-six years old. They were divided into three groups. Also, patients who participated exhibited symptoms such as dizziness, hot flushes, cold hands and feet, and constipation. People who consumed Kampo formulas showed a significant difference compared to those who did not take any Kampo formulas. The results of this study suggest that Kampo does improve the autonomic imbalance in patients with parasympathetic dominance. This study provides some evidence to support the effectiveness of Kampo, but also suggest that further research is needed.
Otsuka, Keisetsu. "The Kampo Diagnostic" in Kampo: A Clinical Guide to Theory and Practice (Churchill Livingstone, 2010), 11-32.
This book provides a translated version of Kampo from Japanese by Keisetsu Otsuka. Chapter two provides the diagnosis process of Kampo. The chapters begins by introducing the differences in concepts of westernized medicine and Kampo. The differences become clear once the book gives detailed explanations of the diagnostic procedures that take part when examining patients. In westernized medicine the names of diseases are defined by series of symptoms. However, there is no particular or specific treatment assigned to the disease. In contrast, disorders of Kampo also include which type of herbal treatment is needed, concentrating mostly on the method of treatment. The steps of the diagnostic procedures consists of a direct interaction between physicians and their patients that is heavily dependent on observation of the senses.
Otsuka, Yasuo and Charles Leslie. Asian Medical Systems: A Comparative Study (Berkley: University of California Press, 1976), 322-340.
Otsuka recognizes that despite the dominant use of westernized modern medicine, traditional medicine such as Kampo still persists as a significant factor among the Japanese. Otsuka provides three causes in which he argues are the underlying factor Kampo still exists. These include disadvantages from taking synthetic drugs, the divisions of modern medicine which clashes with Japanese culture’s perception of the living person as a whole, lack of interaction and lastly communication between physician and patients within modern medicine. Otsuka continues to describe how Chinese medicine has influenced Japan dividing it into five periods. During the first period (6th-15th century) great difficulty was seen in providing Chinese medicine in Japan. Challenges arose during the attempts at harvesting and cultivating herbs in the environment of Japan. This period followed by the development of the Goseiha school (16th-19th century) and the Kohoha school (17th-19th century) which contrasted in old and new theories of Chinese medicine. Throughout these first three periods marks the adaptation of Chinese medicine towards Japan society. These periods were soon followed by a decline in Kampo as westernized medicine was introduced during the 16th to 19th century and the legitimacy of Kampo was questioned. However, just recently during the 20th century influenced by physicians’ published works, who had background in westernized medicine but preferred Chinese traditional medicine, made the revival of Kampo possible.
Rister, Robert. Japanese Herbal Medicine: The Healing Art of Kampo. 1st ed. (Avery: Garden City Park, 1999), 8-10.
Rister seeks to provide the reader with a materia medica for Japanese medicine, Kampo, and its herbal treatments and remedies. Rister first provides a short brief introduction of the development of Japanese medicine providing titles of historical texts that served as documents to mark the evolvement of Kampo, from when the theories of herbal medicine was just passed by speech, to when it was thought to be influenced by magic, to Zhang Zhongjing significant impact on transforming the medicine to be based off of herbal medicine, and to its introduction to Japan by Empress Suiko. Rister also gives brief explanations of the diagnostic process and Kampo’s concepts. The rest of the book provides descriptions of different herbal medicine, the scientific findings and clinical experience of each, and its consideration for use. In addition, disorders can be looked up independently for individual kampo treatment with suggested dosages.
Rister, Robert Medicine of the Five Rings: How You Can Use New Japanese Herbal Medicines for Fitness, Vitality, and Health (New York: M. Evans & Co., 2002), 99 – 111.
This book introduces us the healing art of Japanese herbal medicine, Kampo. Part 1 of this book provides a historical background of the formation of Kampo in Japanese culture and how it was established based on its influences from Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) and Western Medicine. More importantly, he emphasizes how Kampo is known as a “high-class medicine” in Japanese health care system because of how it is made (Rister 100). He describes these herbal ingredients as exceptionally pure because it is made to restore the balance of ki. In addition, part 2 of this book provides an in-depth look of Kampo formulas and the manufacturing process. Interestingly, not only can Kampo effectively treat one condition, but many. The author describes how the combination of symptoms can apply to more than one disease. Therefore, the formulas are helpful for controlling a majority of symptoms. Kampo is highly recommended due to the fact that they are manufactured to specific standards of “purity, quality, and safety” (101). Furthermore, the author lists thirty-six herbal formulas and provides an explanation of how these formulas treat a specific condition. Part 3 provides more kampo formulas that can help treat multiple symptoms. What is helpful in this chapter is how it provides the Japanese, Chinese, and Scientific name of these formulas. In addition, this chapter matches to the questions related to the diagnosis process. This chapter provides how each formula will help a certain condition, how you should use this formula, and considering what energy system this treats in order to restore the balance of ki. Overall, this book is useful to understanding Kampo formulas and how they used to treat specific conditions. This book offers an understanding of what Kampo can offer compared to other complementary medicine. There are many advantages to Kampo treatment and the author really emphasizes its unique quality.
Tsumura, Akira. Kampo: How the Japanese Updated Traditional Herbal Medicine (Tokyo: Japan Publications, Inc., 1991). Chapter 1.
In Chapter 1, Tsumura offers an explanation for the current resurgence of interest in traditional medicine. Primarily, Tsumura invokes socioeconomic conditions to explain its renewed popularity, but he also speaks of the efficacy of traditional medicine as being another driving force. Socioeconomic factors influencing this revitalization of ancient medical practices include medical treatment costs and a renewed appreciation of preventive health care. Additionally, Tsumura argues that a growing list of harmful side effects associated with Western biomedicine is motivating many to consider alternative options of medical treatment. In many cases, biomedicine treats and even cures particular illnesses, but then triggers the onset of some abnormality elsewhere. In fact, this reaction is so prevalent that there is a name for it – “latrogenesis.” He says, “[n]o greater popular fallacy exists about medicine than that a drug is like an arrow that can be shot at a particularized target. Its actual effect is more like a shower of porcupine quills” (35). Among the elderly, who have less resilient immune systems, this porcupine quill effect of biomedicine can be extremely risky. In contrast, herbal-based treatments, such as Kampo decoctions, are comparatively safe and pose little threat to the elderly or others who may be at risk to the harmful effects of potent biomedicine. Others turn to traditional medicine because it offers effective treatment to illness and disease that still perplex Western medical practitioners, such as cancer and Hodgkin’s disease, to name a couple, even though they do not yet have a scientific understanding as to how. Published in 1991, Tsumura sees promise in the gain of momentum traditional medicine is having and predicts this trend will continue on into the future as rising healthcare costs drive many to take good health into their own hands with preventative measures. His enthusiasm shines through as he awaits a world in where Traditional Medicine retakes its spot at the top. Although, this time it won’t be alone.
Tsumura, Akira. Kampo: How the Japanese Updated Traditional Herbal Medicine (Tokyo: Japan Publications, Inc., 1991). Chapter 4.
Tsumura offers three case studies of Westerners who turn to Kampo for medical treatment for such conditions as asthma, intense headaches, and severe chest pain and heart palpitations. In each case, the patients began treatment with Western medicine but had unsatisfactory results. However, after turning to Kampo, these patients claim that they got relief from their pain and began to feel better. They also voice appreciation for the intimacy and thoroughness of the Kampo physician examinations. One patient says whereas Western physicians tend to concentrate on a specific ache, illness, or area of the body, Kampo physicians consider the whole body of the individual. Tsumura explains that the goal of Kampo medicine is not to just heal the symptoms, but to target the root of the problem, or Sho, of each patient and treat that. For example, before treating a headache, a Kampo physician takes a look at his patient’s stool sample, condition of tongue, heartbeat, and even asks questions about his personal history. Whereas Western doctors would likely assume the condition in need of treatment is in the head, the Kampo physician views the headache as only the manifestation of a deeper problem. Tsumura also describes an account of one person who was on the verge of losing his job due to debilitating backaches. After just a week of Kampo medical treatment, his back healed and he was able to continue working again.
Umehara, Takeshi. “Descartes, Brain Death and Organ Transplants: A Japanese View.” New Perspectives Quarterly 11, no. 1 (Los Angeles, CA: The Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, 1994), 25-29.
Japanese philosopher Takeshi Umehara warns of the dangers in store for Japan and mankind in accepting the Cartesian dualistic model of the mind and body. Specifically, he worries about the Western “brain death theory” derived from the Cartesian model. In short, this theory defines death as death of the brain, without regard to the physical state of the body. He views this definition as morally problematic and insists it be thrown out altogether. Umehara argues that, under this theory, individuals are left open to exploitation, particularly in organ transplants. He fears brain-dead patients with healthy beating hearts and other functional organs will serve as storages of replacement parts for others who are in need of specific organs to live. This article is an attempt to wake up the public and revitalize traditional Japanese beliefs and values. Umehara calls attention to Shinto and Buddhist principles such as to “live in harmony with nature” and to recognize man’s equality with all “other living things” (26-27). If organ transplants are to happen at all, Umehara says they must be in accordance with these values and must require an individual’s consent prior to an injury resulting in brain death. Overall, it is relevant because it illustrates the conflicting Western and Japanese conceptions of the mind-body connection and draws attention to some of the implications these conceptions have on social conditions within Japan and the rest of the world.
Waldram, James B. “The Efficacy of Traditional Medicine: Current Theoretical and Methodological Issues” in Medical Anthropology Quarterly vol. 14 no. 4 (Published Online, 2000), 603–625.
Trying to determine the efficacy of traditional medicine is difficult and challenging because this can lead us to questions such as whose criteria and standards do we base these traditional healing practices off of? Who has the authority to say what type of healing system is successful or not? This may relate to certain questions about biomedical hegemony. The major element of this article is how “healing is often seen as a longer process, even lifelong, without a logical end point” (611). This differs from biomedicine because “biomedicine has developed precise technology to determine the presence and absence of much pathology and is prepared to pronounce a cure” (611). Biomedicine is very explicit or definite especially how to treat patients with specific symptoms because their role is to “cure” the patient, who can sometimes, be successful or unsuccessful. Whereas, healing is a process; “therefore, is best understood as involving a possible myriad of phases or stages through which varying determinations of efficacy may be made, perhaps with ever changing criteria and definitions of efficacy” (611). Meaning that efficacy can be seen as fluid or shifting. As a result, the author argues that “we need to better conceptualize how these various measure of efficacy relate to and affect each other within both cultural and temporal contexts,” and also be aware “that the definition of efficacy itself is not fixed” (619).
Walsh, Daniel J. “Frog Boy and the American Monkey: the Body in Japanese Early Schooling.” Knowing Bodies, Moving Minds: Towards Embodied Teaching and Learning, vol. 3, edited by Liora Bresler (The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2004), 104.
In this article, Walsh examines the effect cultural constraints have on the physical development of children. During fieldwork at a handful of Japanese preschools, he notices children at play tend to have comparatively more freedom and less supervision than those at play in Western preschools. As a result, the children are extremely physical and, in many cases, daring in their play. But those in charge do not step in to regulate, even in cases that are likely to make a Western parent uneasy, such as riding on a unicycle or running across a thin metal railing. The Japanese entrust their children to make sensible choices and believe that such freedom is an important part of their physical and intellectual development. Walsh argues this hands-off approach allows Japanese children to realize their physical limits and gives them a sense of confidence that is lacking among many children in the U.S. Furthermore, through such emphasis on physical fitness, children gain an appreciation for their bodies and for health. They become attune to a healthy, physical self and, in doing so, are genki – “an exuberant word meaning fit, strong, healthy, and physical” (102).
Yamada, K. Quality of Life in Patients Treated with Kampo Medicine: A Complementary Alternative to Modern Medicine. The Journal of Alternative & Complementary Medicine, 12 (New Rochelle, NY: Mary Ann Liebert, Inc., 2006), 8-803. Accessed May 31, 2011, doi:10.1089/acm.2000.6.557.
The main focus of this article is to investigate the efficacy of selected kampo therapies based on traditional theory for improving the quality of life (QOL) of patients, while using the World Health Organization Quality of Life Brief Scale (WHOQOL-BREF). The study they conducted involved one-hundred and sixty-seven outpatients with various diseases and disorders over a course of three months. Each participant was offered kampo formulas and modern medicine. Furthermore, the article describes how widely used kampo is for patients in Japan. The aim of kampo is to look at the individual body as a whole rather than from an objective perspective like Western medicine. Among the participants, there were 119 females and 48 males between the ages 19-85. One of the complications of this study is the fact that 27.7% of participants dropped out. Meaning, 112 dropped out due to dropout or changes in treatment with modern medicine. The results of the study suggest that therapy using the traditional method as complementary medicine improves QOL of patients with various diseases and disorders. Meanwhile, further research is needed due to the high percentage dropout rate. Also, the article mentioned how a larger study is needed to confirm safety among Asian people because of their use of kampo therapy for hundreds of years. Lastly, Kampo formulas must vary based on traditional theory, which is different from modern medicine. This suggests that many kind of placebos are needed for future research.
Young, Jacquline, “Japan: The Path of Purity,” in The Healing Path: The Practical Guide to the Holistic Traditions of China, India, Tibet and Japan (London: Thorsons, 2002), 127-159.
In The Healing Path, the author illustrates the history, principles, and practices of Japanese Medicine. The book provides an in-depth history of Japanese medicine and how they understand the body and diseases. One of the central views of the body in Japanese culture is the concept of ki. In Japan, they associate ki to the body, mind and spirit. Good health or good supply of ki is called genki. Meanwhile, disease is called byoki which means “blocked” or “sick” ki. In addition to, chapter 16 explores the types of healing in Japanese medicine. For example, the author mentions how herbal medicine in Japan is called kanpo or Kampo (English translation). Herbal medicine in Japan was first derived from China in the fifth century. In the mid-sixteenth century, Japanese medicine was influenced by West in which Chinese practices suffered and decline. It was not until the nineteenth century that Chinese medicine was reinstated into Japanese medicine. Although the relation between Chinese medicines struggled within in Japan, herbal medicine remained a prominent role in Japanese medicine. One of the major roles of Kanpo is to restore the balance to weak areas of the body rather than attacking the invading pathogen or germ. The popular ingredients of kanpo are plants, minerals, or animal origin. Most Kanpo herbs can be taken as a tea by infusing them in boiled water. In addition to, herbal medicine can come in a pill or powder form. The information Young provides in this book are essential to understanding the attitude of kanpo compared to other healing systems. Can kanpo survive for several generations? Is it effective compared to other healing systems? Towards the end of the chapter about herbal medicine, Young mentions how a large number of research trials support kanpo because of its effectiveness towards diseases such as asthma, eczema, and digestive problems.
Yu, F., T. Takahashi, J. Moriya, et al., "Traditional Chinese Medicine and Kampo: a Review from the Distant past for the Future" in The Journal of International Medical Research (Cambridge: Cambridge Medical Publications, 2006), 1-9. http://www.jimronline.net.offcampus.lib.washington.edu/content/full/2006/71/0674.pdf
This article seeks to explore the background of Kampo while comparing and contrasting its theories and principals of Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) from which Kampo was originated by. Together they differ considerably with Western medicine, as Western medicine uses disease-based diagnosis whereas TCM and Kampo depend on patient-based diagnosis. Although Kampo is based off of TCM, it is describes as being a more simple system that relies on more practical and theoretical principals that can be logically verified. In addition, Zheng, which if translated is symptom, drives TCM and physician’s process of diagnoses. However, Sho is the driving force in which Kampo physicians rely on as the framework of identifying an illness and its treatment. The second half of the article explains the complexities of attempting to combine these traditional medicines with evidence-based medicine and the different types of approaches. This is difficult to do with TCM because of the large variety of treatments that accommodates the individual but much easier to do with Kampo due to similar research methods with the West and Japan.
Additional Resources:
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Best, Jonathan W. “A History of Early Korean Kingdom of Paekche” in Harvard East Asian Monographs (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2006), 48.
Langford, Jean M. “Medical Mimesis: Healing Signs of a Cosmopolitan 'Quack’” in American Ethnologist vol. 26 (Published Online, 2008), 24-46.
Lock, Margaret M. “Introduction: Health and Medical Care as Cultural and Social Phenomena” in Health, Illness, and Medical Care in Japan. Ed. Margaret Lock and Edward Norbeck. (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987), 1-23.
Lock, Margaret M. “Protests of a Good Wife and Wise Mother: the Medicalization of Distress in Japan” in Health, Illness, and Medical Care in Japan, edited by Margaret Lock and Edward Norbeck, (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987), 130-157.
Lock, Margaret M. “Protests of a Good Wife and Wise Mother: the Medicalization of Distress in Japan” in Health, Illness, and Medical Care in Japan, edited by Margaret Lock and Edward Norbeck, (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987), 130-157.
Long, Susan O. “Health Care Providers: Technology, Policy, and Professional Dominance,” in Health, Illness, and Medical Care in Japan, ed. Edward Norbeck and Margaret Lock (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987), 67-74.
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Chapter 8.Chapter 6.Chapter 3.According to this article, Yana Gephshtein, emphasized the approach to using kampo therapy to menstrual symptoms. The author describes how kampo originated from Chinese medical ideas of the Han period. Throughout history, the health care in Japan experienced various transitions from Western medicine to Chinese philosophy. Furthermore, the author describes how kampo diagnosis focuses on the conditions of the patient (also known as Sho). Sho is assessed using four diagnostic methods: (1) observation (2) examination by hearing and smell (3) interviewing and (4) palpation (428). These diagnostic steps help to describe the women’s Sho. Over a course of month-to-month visits, participants of this study were three women that experienced symptoms related to menstrual cycle. Each participant was treated with three features of kampo therapy that included: individual-centered diagnosis, herbal therapy, and therapeutic relationships between doctors and patients. Furthermore, the author describes how kampo is well-suited for treatment of premenstrual symptoms in Japan and deserves the attention of Western clinicians because: (1) kampo is individualized, its application must not depend on clear etiology (2) kampo herbal formulas are regulated by the Japanese agencies for quality and purity and (3) kampo features as a continuity of care and patient-centered care (434 Gephshtein et al). Further discussion of this study, concluded that the quality and care of patient-care should be considered or combine among other medical therapies. More importantly, the clinical structures for outcomes of care in traditional medicine should be studied in depth using qualitative research data (434 Yana Gephshtein et al).
